Ratib refuses to send out for his wounded—Boldness of the enemy in coming up under the walls of the fort—The Abyssinians make a resolute onslaught on the fort—Their bloody repulse—Flight of the enemy after heavy loss—The Egyptians mutilate and partially burn the bodies of the dead Abyssinians—Indignation and horror of the American staff—King John makes reprisals by murdering six hundred prisoners in cold blood—American and European officers captured in the first day's battle—Example of kindness on the part of Abyssinian women—The loss of Egypt in killed, wounded, and prisoners—Assault of Egyptian soldiery on friendly Abyssinians, who saved the lives of their wounded—Ratib Pacha sends despatches deceiving the Khedive as to the results of the battle—He is directed to conclude peace—Negotiations with King John—He secretly steals away with baggage and men while these are pending—A coward in war and a traitor in peace.
THAT night and early next morning a number of our wounded came into camp and reported a great many still in the valley and on the hills, one or two miles distant. The next day, the 8th of March, the commanding general was pressed to send his cavalry to collect his wounded. The valley was open, and it could manouvre without fear, and being an old cavalry officer I proposed to take command, with the entire staff, and bring them in. He would not let a soldier go out of the fort, and if he saw one on the outside he was fired upon. He was told that officers like Raschid Pacha, Mehemet Ali Pacha, Dr. Johnson, Major Dorholtz, and a great number of others might be still alive there. These were all friends of mine, and aside from a feeling of humanity and duty that was an additional reason, if there could be one, to induce me to urge action. I said that it was inhuman to leave them out in the burning sun by day, and in the extreme cold at night ; that they were naked, having been stripped of all clothing, and were suffering for want of water and food ; that many of us would be glad to take our lives in our hands and go out after them. I did not confine my appeal to the pacha, but directed it with earnestness to those about him, including Prince Hassan, the son of the Khedive. If it was not done under the circumstances, I told Ratib the whole civilized world would hold him responsible. He clung, notwithstanding these forcible appeals, to his fort, and would not let a soldier stir. In the mean time, braving our rifles within short range, small parties of the Abyssinians took down tents standing outside of our works and carried them off before our eyes. In one instance an Abyssinian took up the pegs of a single pole-tent 150 yards distant, and getting under the tent and seizing the pole, gradually moved it under fire and safely got into a gorge and escaped with it. Another, in carrying off a tent when fired upon, would fall as though dead ; giving his enemy time to think so, he was up again and off with the tent. This illustrates the daring of the enemy and the contempt he had for the Egyptians. King John was preparing his plans during the day of the 8th, and was ready the next morning. The fort was surrounded on three sides by hills, some of them a little more than a mile distant, which were soon covered with a moving mass. Judging from the past, King John thought that there was no doubt that the demoralized Egyptian force would fall an easy prey upon his making a strong demonstration. He therefore began massing his people under the lead of his princes, each having his own people following him. Ratib, always thinking of his personal safety, had another fort constructed inside of his regular fort, out of the great quantity of hard bread called by the Arabs boxomat, which he had piled up in the fort. He stated that one object he had in constructing it was that he might have a safe place for the prince, but every one knew that he worked for his own safety, as there was scarcely a spot within the fort that a shot from the sharpshooters could not reach. The bread fort was, however, a happy thing, as it afforded perfect shelter to our wounded officers, completely covering them, so that they could neither see nor be seen. It was not long before the Abyssinians, with sabres and lances, and shields covered in barbaric splendor with brass and silver, were seen glittering in the morning sun. They looked, as they stood in masses, as one might fancy the phalanx of Alexander the Great—the king in his chemma, the princes and priests in their kuaries, and the soldier in his taub, each resembling the Roman toga with red stripes through its centre. These folded around them or gracefully fluttering in the morning breeze gave the air of the military civilization of an ancient day. Confident in his numbers, King John began forming upon the hills and their slopes immediately in our front and in the gorges that came out of the hills. From his movements it was expected that his many thousands would be at once pushed upon the fort in the attempt to end the matter in a single assault. It was an imposing sight, one of the most curious and striking that could be witnessed ; I certainly never was more interested in a picture. The Egyptians knew that they had no quarter to expect, in what they believed to be a deadly fight soon to begin. In this feeling of the command lay the hope of successful defence. Knowing the strength of the fort, and having a large number of newly educated young officers, there was confidence that it could resist attack if the men stood faithfully to their work, armed as they were with the Remington breech-loaders and with Krupp steel guns glittering on the works. Osman Bey Nageeb, the bravest Egyptian in the army, was in command of the fort. With the entire staff I stood at the point of danger until the last gun was fired. The king began by throwing around the fort a line of skirmishers who, covered by the mimosa-trees and shrubbery, poured into it an incessant fire. A large body was then detached and approached under cover of some old breastworks carelessly left on our right flank, though the dread warning of the day before ought to have induced their removal. Their boldest men gaining this position, a deadly assault was made upon the angle next to it, looking to the south-east. A four-gun battery was here to defend it. Soon the fight began in earnest. The battery mentioned opened, and those along the line chimed in, which with the discharge of the Remingtons made it appear something like a fight in reality. The young artillerymen fell fast and thick at the guns at this angle, it being the point where the attack was fiercest, but others moved up rapidly to take their places. It was near here that my aide-de-camp Ahmed Effendi, a gallant young officer, was killed. On looking around for Ratib, he was found in his bread fort, and being told of the determined attack was advised to come to the post of danger. He took so long a time to light his cigarette that he was left in his place of security. The Krupp guns playing into the dense masses on the slope of the hills and tearing through their ranks caused them to sway and surge, and very soon a shot dismounted the only gun the Abyssinians had, which was doing us considerable harm. Yelling and brandishing their shining shields and weapons over their heads, the Abyssinians on the sides of the hills were with shout and song urging their assaulting party to leap the parapet, while they stood, to all appearances, ready to rush madly on at any moment. Upon seeing their men approach with their steady fire within thirty or forty feet of us, they sounded applause with a loud shout, and their instruments played notes of victory. At this stage the scene on the hillsides, in the valley, and in the fort was picturesque and exciting—a tableau of interest only to be found in the north-east corner of Africa. After several futile attacks, those of the enemy in our immediate front gave way. When they had fled a considerable distance, running as though they had abandoned the fight, a sortie was made from the fort, the Krupp guns still continuing to pour well-directed shots into the enemy on the slopes of the hills, and these too showed signs of weakening. The scattered throngs in the valley around us, seeing the discomfiture of their assaulting party, fled precipitately ; those on the hills catching the excitement, music and shouting ceased, and King John and his army took to their heels. It was not many minutes before the great numbers of those who were hidden among the mimosa-trees, bushes, and gullies waiting to plunder the fort, catching the inspiration, were discovered quitting their places of concealment and flying wildly from the valley. There was scarcely a spot but the supple and fleet Abyssinian could be seen running out of the range of our shot, his pace accelerated by a constant fire till the speed was something marvellous.
The defence of the fort was very determined, and convinced me that these people would fight well behind breastworks. It was this that induced the belief that Arabi Pacha would have made a stouter defence at Tel-el-Kebir in the late war. The enemy left a number of killed and wounded on the field near the fort. As soon as the Abyssinians had disappeared from the hills the Egyptians (Soudanese), officers and men, now that all danger was past, rushed out of the fort, and at once showed their prowess by killing the wounded of the brave Abyssinians, mutilating the dead, cutting off their hands and feet and scattering them about.
To make the scene more horrible, they threw the dead bodies upon dry brush near by and set fire to it ; others had straw placed upon their faces and fired. The fire blazing without consuming left a more than ghastly sight. As soon as this came to my knowledge I hastened to Ratib Pacha and urged him to stop such devilish work ; but I found him unequal to the occasion. The prince, who was near, hearing my conversation with Ratib, for the facts just then came to my knowledge, joined in the conversation. The inhumanity of the scene was described, and at the same time I reminded him that King John had nearly one thousand Egyptian prisoners, naked and bound hand and foot, in his camp not two miles off ; that as the great outrage had already been committed of killing the wounded, the only thing to be done now was to bury the dead so deep that the Abyssinians could not find one of them when they came to seek their wounded in the coming night, as they certainly would do, being a brave race ; that as Ratib kept out neither pickets nor guards, the enemy could come with impunity, and it was folly to aggravate instincts that were already savage enough ; that on their coming under cover of darkness and finding their dead so horribly mutilated, just as certain as the sun rose the next day every Egyptian they had in their camp would be murdered, and that Ratib Pacha would be held responsible for it. The prince did his best to second my efforts, but the commander did not take energetic steps. It is due Prince Hassan to say that he went in person to remedy this terrible wrong. The Egyptians did not succeed in burying the dead, and in many instances a ghastly and hideous spectacle was left for the Abyssinians to look upon. The next day the hills resounded with the discharge of firearms and the cry of the unfortunate Egyptians who were prisoners in their power. It was the horrible cry of over six hundred officers and men who were shot down and lanced in cold blood in the camp of the enemy which had caused the ominous noise. Dr. Johnson, an American, and Major Dorholtz, a Swiss, who were naked and bound in this camp, were saved because they were white and Christians. More important still, they were thought to be Englishmen. They said that they heard their captors assert that the killing of the prisoners was caused by the treatment of their people the day before. Satisfied with the butchery on the 7th of March, the savages, in all probability, but for the cruel treatment of their wounded and dead by the Egyptians, who might have held them as hostages, would not have continued it as they did on the 10th of March. Unfortunately Mahometans when roused take no counsel other than that of their brutal instincts, as was the case in this instance. The butchery of the wounded was a terrible illustration of Egyptian ignorance and inhumanity, and in this campaign it was an illustration also of an utter want of that policy which would have been dictated by common-sense, if not by a proper consideration for their own suffering people. It is true it might have occurred under any circumstances, but that does not excuse the Egyptian army for taking the dreadful responsibility, when both policy and humanity dictated a different course. It would be well for the civilization of the age if a veil could be thrown over this terrible tragedy, but truth demands that those in authority, who had the power to stay the savage thirst for blood and did not use it, should be held up in the light of history for its condemnation. At dawn of the 9th of March I was on the parapet of the fort watching for the Egyptian wounded, having been up during the night on this sacred duty. Many came in during the darkness, and, aided by Captain Porter and others, we helped them into the fort and ministered to their wants, giving our clothes and blankets and everything we could find to keep the cold air from their wounds, while their own people were asleep and neglected them. Many of their wounds were in a most horrible condition, and hundreds were crying for food and water. It was at this early hour that I was pleased to see Dr. Badri Effendi coming, without any clothing on but his boots, wounded, and dragging himself slowly along. In giving an account of his capture and suffering he said the enemy had led him, wounded, naked, and bound, into their camp. As he was quite a small man, no particular guard was placed over him. During the night one of the young women cast toward him pitying glances not unmixed with playful fondness, which as he lay bound hand and foot he observed by the flickering light near which she sat. Prevailing upon her to give him water, he saw that she was still further attracted. She then loosened the cords, which were most painful, while extracting from him a declaration that he was a Christian, which, as he was a Mahometan, was most humiliating. With the loosing of each cord this was repeated, until he got to think he really was a disciple of the Saviour. Courtesies were extended, and she took care that his cords did not bind too closely. After the fires had burned out and all were asleep, ridding himself of his bonds, he rolled over carefully as if he were a log, and watching his opportunity silently stole away and left his fair friend in a happy state of unconsciousness. As soon as he could get into the thick forests of the mountain he circled round the whole night in his wanderings, though only two and a half miles from the fort, before he finally reached it. These kindnesses of the women of Abyssinia were of frequent occurrence, and their recipients were not always as particular as the doctor in relating how pleasantly he had confessed himself a Christian. Dr. Badri Effendi was educated at Edinburgh, where he spent fourteen years, and came out as surgeon to the prince. Soon after his arrival in Abyssinia, with the aid of Dr. Wilson he thoroughly organized the medical department, assisted by Dr. Johnson and other surgeons. No man did more or better service. The medical department was very unfortunate. Dr. Badri Effendi could barely walk on account of his wounds. Dr. Wilson was hors de combat, Dr. Johnson was a captive in the hands of the enemy, and Dr. Mehemet Ali Pacha, noted as a distinguished surgeon, who had arrived shortly before the battle of the 7th of March, was cruelly murdered while a prisoner in the power of the Abyssinians. As has been stated, Ratib Pacha marched out upon the field of Gura about 5000 of all arms ; of this number 400 came into the fort with their arms the same day. Subsequently others straggled in for several days and nights, and, with the number brought in by Colonel Derrick and Captain Irgins, there were over 1500 wounded who returned into the fort. There were nearly 2000 killed on the 7th of March, many along the line of march, and others in the dry beds of the valley and among the hills. This was after the army left the field of battle, where few were killed or wounded. Between 800 and a 1000 were taken prisoners ; of these, nearly 800, many of them wounded, were massacred on the 10th of March in King John's camp. About 130 prisoners, who were some time in their hands, were delivered to us before we left Abyssinia. I went with several staff officers a few days after the occurrences related and made a thorough reconnoissance of the entire battlefield, the line of march, the valley and the hills ; and this assisted me in the estimates given. On the 9th there were 17 killed, mostly officers, and 20 or 30 wounded. Among those of the staff of the army who were killed in the two days' fighting, were Dr. Mehemet Ali Pacha, Nieb Mahomet Bey, and Telferrata, telegraph operator, and one orderly of the chief of staff. The wounded were Colonel Dye, Dr. Wilson, Dr. Badri Effendi, Major Dorholtz, Dr. Johnson, one Egyptian captain, two Egyptian lieutenants, and the two orderlies of the chief of staff. The next day, the 10th of March, the air became too tainted for even the Abyssinians to remain in their camp opposite the fort, and King John moved it still further back into the interior. As soon as this was known I went at once to the commander and urged the sending of the cavalry after the wounded, mentioning Mehemet Ali, their great surgeon, and one of their most gallant men. I have to notice that a high Egyptian official met my appeal by saying, “ Oh, it doesn't make any difference ; he is too old to live anyhow.” Finally the cavalry started for the camp from which King John had removed, accompanied by Colonel Derrick and Captain Irgins of the staff. On getting to the hill-top near the camp the men became alarmed and fled, leaving the two staff officers without protection. Alone they went forward, and there found more than 100 wounded officers and men still alive in the deserted camp.
When the two staff officers, who had started with the cavalry on the mission of mercy, came back and gave this information, Ratib was forced to send the cavalry back with these officers, who volunteered again for the duty. This time going to the deserted camp, the cavalrymen were dismounted by Derrick and the wounded men placed on their horses. They were in the most deplorable condition from suffering and starvation, and were brought into the fort. A few more were still left upon the ground, as there were not horses enough to bring them all in. Every exertion was made to have these sent for, but the redoubtable pacha had been kept so long already in a fright that it was found impossible to prevail upon him to make another trip for these unfortunate men. It was deemed too dangerous to send a hundred Egyptian soldiers where two Americans had gone alone, and were willing to make a third journey on this mission of humanity. The party of soldiers who had started with Derrick and Irgins and fled, on their way back brought in the corpse of Raschid Pasha, which was found almost within sight of the fort. The body of the brave pasha bore indications of his having been alive for some time upon the field of battle. There were living near the fort a number of friendly Abyssinians who hunted up the wounded, and (while nursing them) kept them concealed from their own people, who were hostile to the Egyptians. These kind-hearted people commenced bringing them into camp as soon as they thought it safe to do so. They had no sooner entered the fort than the cry of “ Coushtan” (Christian) was raised, and, unrestrained by their officers, the Soudanese (negro troops) rushed forward and would have killed these humane people but for the active interference of the American and foreign staff officers. They never stopped to consider that these friendly Abyssinians were more humane toward our wounded than they were themselves, and deserved the highest reward instead of such brutal treatment.
General Field, Colonel Lockett, and Major Dennison with their parties came into camp this day from Khaya Khor. They had made strenuous exertions to reach us before our first battle. Distinguished on many battlefields, they would have been of incalculable aid to us. Knowing how important they were, I had made great effort to get them up in time.
A strange medley of information came to my knowledge a few days after the occurrences already related. It seems that Ratib Pacha, thinking to conceal his losses, represented to the Khedive by letter and telegram that he had gained a great victory on the 7th of March ; at least so he informed me, sending exaggerated accounts of the force he had combated, and the miraculous numbers of the enemy killed. His object, cunningly devised, was to break the force of the terrible misfortune which had befallen his army, or possibly to give the Khedive the opportunity of publishing news of a victory over the Abyssinians. It was not surprising that in response to these telegrams an order came to demand of King John all arms, cannon, and prisoners he might have. Having no confidence in any statement he might make until this order was named, I doubted that he could have had the effrontery to send the unblushing statement. Believing it at Cairo, and tired of the war, his amour-propre satisfied, he said, that the Khedive had further ordered him to make peace at once with King John upon almost any terms. This latter clause did not make it appear to me that the Khedive was so greatly deceived after all. His correspondence, begun in secret, was becoming complicated, and he desired me to aid him. I declined, from that time thereafter, unless he undeceived the Khedive and gave me all the despatches that had passed between him and Cairo. As he did not do so, I ended my intercourse with him, as far as possible.
Before making the demand, however, he sent privately to King John proposing peace. The Abyssinian monarch listened, for he was satiated with blood and plunder, and as he had lost severely in his battle of the 9th of March this too made him anxious for peace ; but it was to be on his own terms. He had as a prisoner Rifat Effendi, private secretary of Ratib. This man was a cunning, well-educated Mahometan clerk, and the king finding him pliable caused him to write his reply to this proposal of peace. Moved by fear for his own life, the writer began by discoursing of the immense force of the king ; that it was necessary for the Egyptian army to move out of the country as a preliminary to making peace, or any hope of the restoration of arms or cannon, or the delivery of Egyptian prisoners then in his power. The secretary added his most urgent advice to Ratib to accede to the proposition so generously tendered him, and save his army from still greater loss. Profuse promises to do all that was demanded were immediately made, soon followed by liberal presents to the king. As a consequence hostilities were suspended, and King John was induced to send an ambassador in the person of Lika Mankonus Ouarkee, accompanied by the usual ragged attendants. Ouarkee was a noted man of Abyssinia, a dignitary who from his importance rode by the side of the king. For a time a kind of judge, he was subsequently translated into an unfledged minister of foreign affairs. He had travelled at least as far as Egypt, and was acquainted with the Arabic. At the time of the invasion of Abyssinia by the English he took sides against King Theodorus. The Raz was of fine form, of medium height, light tint, quick, scintillating eye, and beard and hair slightly crisped. In his handsome silk dress Ouarkee made a good appearance. It was his numerous accomplishments that induced King John to send him upon the delicate mission to Ratib.
The minister of the barbaric king had no sooner entered the camp than a gay and festive scene began. Splendid repasts were spread at the prince's table, and all went as merrily as though nothing had happened. While the band discoursed the sweetest music to beguile the representative of royalty into a happy turn of mind, costly presents of rich silks, beautifully worked blankets, and gorgeous saddles and bridles, with their rich trappings glittering in brass and silver, were showered on him, and they went to his heart. Bales of the same gaudy material were forwarded to the king to cultivate a good understanding with his sable majesty. The consequence of these unexpected offerings to the newly arrived ambassador was that he became not only pleased, but thought himself the best entertained individual of modern times. It was not long, as each new present was unfolded, before Ouarkee and Ratib got to embracing each other, and though the representative claimed to be a Christian, the two afforded infinite amusement in their maudlin state by praying together Mahometan fashion.
The farce continued for several days, when Prince Hassan, wearied of the camp and the barbaric show in which he played his part, and getting permission from the Khedive, took advantage of the Arabian nights entertainments going on to “ secretly fold his tent and silently steal away,” without the least sign of that royalty which had marked his advent. Hassan started ostensibly on a hunt, but no sooner was he out of sight than he made a straight course for Cairo, not checking his speed day or night until he was safely on board his father's yacht ready to sail at once out of the harbor of Massowah. The mantle of the prince falling gracefully upon Ratib, he at once assumed all the airs of the royal table and held high revel amid great rejoicing. You would have supposed, in witnessing this scene while nestled in the valley of Gura among the mountains of Abyssinia, that King John was about to abdicate, and the purple, with the triple crown of Abyssinia, was soon to fall upon the head of the great Ratib the First. To add to his éclat, his Arab staff was increased, and in order to adorn his court they were robed in dazzling uniforms and made to strut in front of his tent for the admiration of his savage guests.
The rainy season having commenced with a heavy downfall, and becoming thoroughly alarmed for fear of the floods, and knowing the head of the ambassador was confused with wine and dazzled by the rich presents he had received, the sly Ratib began secretly moving back his property, sick, and wounded, preparatory to the rapid march of his forces to Khaya Khor, where there was a formidable fort, constructed by Colonel Lockett. During this time negotiations were going on. The king, true to his faith, though a savage, let Ratib know beforehand any contemplated movement. Hobnobbing with his friend the ambassador, it was convenient to keep his own movements secret. The removal was nearly completed before the ambassador, always in a state of well-oiled oblivion, pretended to realize that the Egyptians were sneaking to the rear. When the time to act came, as agreed upon, with apparent anger he demanded, so that his aides might hear him, what all these sly movements meant. Evasive answers were given, intended to satisfy his attendants. Knowing that his baggage and material of war were secure in his new fort, and feeling independent, Ratib dismissed the ambassador, promising compliance with the terms of the treaty. But fearing treachery at the last moment, he did not do so until his troops were under arms and ready to march. Ouarkee was scarcely out of sight before he was behind his guns in the fort six miles distant.
On this day we greeted the arrival of Dr. Johnson and Major Dorholtz, the latter still suffering from wounds, and both had the appearance of having passed through a severe ordeal while prisoners in the power of King John.